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F. W. HOD 


















In studying the history and the effect of the contact of 
the Southwestern Indians with civilization, the writer was 
baffled by what appeared to be the sudden and almost 
complete disappearance of a populous tribe which played a 
rather prominent part in the history of the early exploration 
and colonization of the Southwest, which occupied villages 
of a more or less permanent character, and among whom 
missionaries labored in fruitless endeavor to show them 
the way to Christianity. It is not usually difficult to account 
for the decimation or even for the extinction of a tribe 
ravaged by war or by epidemics, of which there are numerous 
instances; but of the Jumano Indians, of whom this paper 
treats, there is no evidence that they were especially warlike 
in character, that they had a greater number of enemies 
than the average tribe, or that they had suffered unusually 
the inroads of disease. 

The Jumano were first visited by Alvar Nunez Cabeza 
de Vaca and his three companions of the ill-fated Narvaez 
expedition, while making their marvelous journey across 
Texas and Chihuahua in 1535. The name of the tribe is 
not given by them: they are called merely the "Cow 
Nation"; but the relation of an expedition nearly half a 
century later makes it evident that no other people could 
have been meant. The narration of Cabeza de Vaca is so 
indefinite that from it alone it would be difficult even to 
locate the place where the Jumano were found; but the 
testimony, meager though it be, tends to indicate that in 
1535, as in 1582, they lived on the Rio Grande about the 
junction of the Rio Conchos and northward in the present 
state of Chihuahua, Mexico. 

The first Jumano seen by Cabeza de Vaca was a woman, 
a captive among an unknown tribe, members of which were 
guiding the forlorn Spaniards across the desolate and broken 
country toward the west in southwestern Texas. Reaching 
the Rio Grande, Castillo and the negro Estevanico, who had 
journeyed ahead, came to a town at which the captive 
woman's father lived, "and these habitations were the first 
seen, having the appearance and structure of houses." 
The inhabitants subsisted on beans and squashes, and the 
Spaniards also had seen maize. Besides food, the natives 
gave the white men buffalo-robes seemingly the first of 
their sort mentioned in history. The Indians came in num 
bers and took the Spaniards "to the settled habitations of 
others, who lived upon the same food." It may, I think, 
be assumed that these other habitations were those of other 
Jumano, although Cabeza de Vaca mentions that from the 
second settlement of houses onward was another usage. 
"Those who knew of our approach, " he says, "did not come 
out to receive us on the road as the others had done, but we 
found them in their houses, and they had made others for 
our reception. They were all seated with their faces turned 
to the wall, their heads down, the hair brought before their 
eyes, and their property placed in a heap in the middle of 
the house. From this place they began to give us many 
blankets of skin; and they had nothing they did not bestow. 
They have the finest persons of any people we saw," he 
continues, "of the greatest activity and strength, who best 
understood us and intelligently answered our inquiries. 
We called them the Cow Nation, because most of the cattle 
[buffalo] killed are slaughtered in their neighborhood, 1 
and along up that river for more than fifty leagues they 
destroy great numbers." 

The narrator continues: "They go entirely naked after 
the manner of the first we saw. 2 The women are dressed 
with deer-skin, and some few men, mostly the aged, who are 

1 The neighborhood here referred to was not the immediate vicinity, and the stream 
alluded to was much more likely to have been the Pecos than the Rio Grande, up 
which they were now journeying, the former river having been named "Rio de lac 
Vacas" by Espejo in 1583. 

2 The rude Indians of the eastern coast of Texas. 

incapable of fighting. The country is very populous. We 
asked how it was they did not plant maize. They answered 
it was that they might not lose what they should put in 
the ground; that the rains had failed for two years in suc 
cession, and the seasons were so dry the seed had every 
where been taken by the moles, and they could not venture 
to plant again until after water had fallen copiously. They 
begged us to tell the sky to rain, and to pray for it, and we 
said we would do so. " 

Seeking information regarding their route westward, the 
Spaniards were told that "the path was along up by that 
river [the Rio Grande] towards the north, for otherwise in 
a journey of seventeen days we could find nothing to eat, 
except a fruit they call chacan, that is ground between stones, 
and even then it could with difficulty be eaten for its dryness 
and pungency, which was true. They showed it to us 
there, and we could not eat it. They informed us also that, 
whilst we traveled by the river upward, we should all the 
way pass through a. people that were their enemies, who 
spoke their tongue, and, though they had nothing to give 
us to eat, they would receive us with the best good will, 
and present us with mantles of cotton, hides, and other 
articles of their wealth . . . Their method of cooking 
is so new that for its strangeness I desire to speak of it; 
thus it may be seen and remarked how curious and diversified 
are the contrivances and ingenuity of the human family. 
Not having discovered the use of pipkins, to boil what they 
would eat, they fill the half of a large calabash with water, 
and throw on the fire many stones of such as are most con 
venient and readily take the heat. When hot, they are 
taken up with tongs of sticks and dropped into the calabash 
until the water in it boils from the fervor of the stones. 
Then whatever is to be cooked is put in, and until it is done 
they continue taking out cooled stones and throwing in 
hot ones. Thus they boil their food." 

We dwell thus at length on Cabeza de Vaca's account, 
as it is the first reference to the Jumano in history, and 
because it affords the earliest information as to what manner 
of people they were. There are few Indian tribes, whose 


history forms part of that of our own land, that have a 
record traceable to the first half of the sixteenth century. 3 

The next Spaniards to pass through the Jumano country 
were Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado and his party in 
company with three missionaries, in 1581 ; but no new light 
is thrown on the tribe in question, and indeed there is no 
definite evidence in the account of two of the soldiers 4 who 
were members of the little party that they were seen at all, 
although the Rio Grande was followed northward from its 
junction with the Conchos. 

Much more definite information, however, is afforded 
by the next Spaniards to traverse their territory, led by 
Antonio de Espejo, who, in November, 1582, set out from 
San Bartolome", in Chihuahua, and followed the bank of 
the Rio Grande northward from the mouth of the Conchos. 
From about the junction onward for twelve days' journey 
Espejo was among these people, who, he says, occupied 
five villages with an aggregate population of ten thousand 
perhaps four-fold the actual number, as Espejo's estimates 
are always greatly exaggerated. The Jumano did not at 
first receive the strangers with the same friendliness as was 
shown Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, although it 
might be said that the latter met with a reception, owing 
to the magic power that they were supposed to possess and 
the awe inspired by it, such as perhaps has never been 
experienced by white men since their time. Espejo gives 
a rather definite account of the Indians under discussion, 
who, it will be observed, occupied the valley of the Rio 
Grande from the Conchos northward almost to the boundary 
of the present New Mexico. He says they were called 
Jumanos, and by the Spaniards Patarabueyes. Some of 
their houses were terraced, while others were of straw. 
The faces of the Indians were striated, evidently meaning 

8 See Relation of Alvar Nunez Cdbeca de Vaca, translated by Buckingham Smith, 
New York, 1871; The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, translated by Fanny 
Bandelier, New York, 1905; The Narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, edited by 
F. W. Hodge, in Original Narratives of Early -American History, New York, 1807. 

4 See the Relacion of Barrundo and Escalante, and other documents bearing on 
the journey, in Coleccion de Documentor Ineditos del Archive de Indias, xv, pp. 80-150, 
Madrid, 1871. 

tattooed, as the sequel will show. They cultivated maize, 
calabashes, and beans; hunted animals and birds, and es 
pecially the buffalo, and caught fish of many kinds in the 
two streams that united within their territory. They had 
lakes within their domain, from which they obtained salt 
during certain seasons as good as that from the sea. Of 
special importance in the identification of the people met 
by Cabeza de Vaca, Espejo states that three Christians and 
a negro had passed through the Jumano country years 
before, in whom he naturally recognized "Alvaro Nunez 
Cabeza de Vaca, y Dorantes, y Castillo Maldonado, y un 
negro, " who, as is well known, finally reached Culiacan 
and the City of Mexico after trials and suffering almost 
beyond belief. 5 

Juan de Onate, colonizer of New Mexico and founder of 
Santa Fe*, passed over Espejo's route for a part of his journey 
through Chihuahua to the new province, but instead of 
traversing the Conchos to its junction with the Rio Grande, 
he made a more northerly course to the crossing of the latter 
stream at the present El Paso, consequently leaving the 
country of the Jumano on his right. 

Whether the Jumano had entirely shifted their habitat 
between 1582 and 1598 is not definitely known, but it seems 
probable that they had not. Espejo had returned to Mexico 
by way of the Rio Pecos, leaving it for the Conchos some 
120 leagues below Pecos pueblo, hence missing the 
Jumano territory of eastern New Mexico which later became 
known. And, as we have seen, Onate did not follow a 
course in the journey northward with his colonists that 
would have enabled him to see the Jumano of the Conchos- 
Rio Grande junction. 

But we have definite knowledge that the Jumano lived 
in the present New Mexico at least as early as the time of 
Onate, i. e. in 1598, for on October 6 of that year he departed 
with the father commissary "to the salinas of the Pecos, 
which are of many leagues of indefinite salt, very beau 
tiful and white; and to the pueblos of the Xumases or 

*For the Eepejo expedition, see Coleccion de Documentos Ineditot del Archive de 
India*, xv, 101 et seq., 1871. 


Rayados, which are three: one very large, and they saw 
the others." 6 

There were in reality four instead of three important 
villages of the Jumano in New Mexico at the close of the 
sixteenth century, their names, according to Oiiate, being 
Atripuy, Genobey, Quelotetrey, and Pataotrey. 7 These, 
with many villages of the Pueblo Indians from Pecos south 
ward through the country known as the Salinas, were placed 
under the ministration of Fray Francisco de San Miguel; 
but there is no evidence that the friar visited all of them, 
and it is quite certain that no churches were built in this 
immediate region at so early a date. 8 

The Salinas referred to are situated in the central portion 
of that part of Valencia county, New Mexico, lying east of 
the Rio Grande. Bounding the salt lagoon area on the 
south is the Mesa de los Jumanos, or, as it is termed on 
present-day if not altogether "modern" maps, "Mesa 
Jumanes." This land-mark of course derived its name 
from the tribe which formerly occupied the vicinity, a fact 
illustrating the persistency with which aboriginal names 
are sometimes retained in the Southwest, even where good 
excuse may exist for forgetting them. 

The Salinas country, although known far and wide for 
its generally inhospitable and forbidding character, was 
inhabited at the opening of the seventeenth century and for 

6 Discurso de las Jornadas, Documentos Ineditos del Archivo de Indias, xvi, 266-267, 
Madrid, 1871. 

7 Bandelier (Final Report, pt. i, p. 167, 1890) suggests that the pueblos of Cuel<5ce 
Xenopue, and Patasce, mentioned in the Obediencia y Vasallaje a Su Magested por 
los Indies del Pueblo del Cue*loce (Doc. Ined. de Indias, xvi, 123-124) are identifiable 
with Quelotetrey, Genobey, and Pataotrey, respectively. Indeed, it seems practically 
certain that such is the case. The Obediencia says: ... "el Pueblo de Cueldce 
que llaman de los rayados. . . Yolha, Capitan que dicen se"r del Pueblo y gente 
deste Pueblo de Cueldce; Pocastaquf, Capitan del Pueblo de Xenopue"; Haye, Capitan 
del Pueblo de Patasce y Chili [pueblo of Chilili by error?], Capitan del Pueblo de Abo. " 
These names are transcribed in the hope that eventually they may prove of some 
linguistic service. 

8 " Al Padre Fray Francisco de Sant Miguel, la provincia de los Pecos con los siete 
Pueblos del a Cie*nega que le cae al Oriente, y todas los baqueros de aquella cordillera 
y comarca hasta la Sierra Nevada, y los Pueblos de la Gran Salina, . . . i asi mismo 
los tres Pueblos grandes de Xumanas 6 rrayados, llamados en su lengua, atripuy, 

genobey, quelotetrey, pataotrey con sus subgetos. " Obediencia y vasallaje a Su 

Magestad por los Indies del Pueblo de San Juan Baptista, Doc. Ined. de Indiaa, op. 
cit., xvi, 113-114. 


twenty-five years later, by the eastern divisions of the Tigua 
and Piro (the latter sometimes being known as Tompiro), 
as well as by the Jumano. The former two groups belong 
to the Tanoan linguistic family and inhabited several pueblos 
similar to those of their Rio Grande congeners. When, 
in 1626, Fray Alonso Benavides, the Father Custodian of 
the missions of New Mexico, appealed for additional mission 
aries, he had particularly in mind the conversion of the 
tribes of the Salinas region, especially the Jumano, among 
whom Fray Juan de Salas had already been. Says Benavides, 
writing in 1630, " I kept putting off the Xumanas who were 
asking for him [Salas], until God should send more laborers." 
Through their affection for Salas, the founder of the 
mission of Isleta, the Jumano went year after year for some 
six years prior to 1629 to visit him at that Rio Grande 
mission station in the hope, they asserted, that he might 
come to live among them. Finally, on July 22, 1629, 9 
a delegation of some fifty Jumano visited the pueblo of San 
Antonio de Isleta, where the custodian (probably Estevan 
de Perea) was then staying, for the purpose of again asking 
for friars; and " being questioned as to what induced them 
to make this demand, they said that a woman wearing the 
habit had urged them to come; and being shown a picture 
of Mother Luisa de Carrion, they rejoiced, and speaking 
to each other said that the lady who had sent them resembled 
the picture, except that she was younger and more beautiful." 
Fray Juan de Salas and Fray Diego Lopez volunteered to 
go, accompanied by an escort of three soldiers. They found 
the Jumano this time more than 112 leagues (about 300 
miles) to the eastward from Santa Fe", or possibly in the 
western part of the present Kansas in the vicinity of what 
later became known as El Quartelejo. The cause of this 
shifting may have been due to the hostility among the tribes 
of the Salinas about this time, of which Benavides speaks, 
for subsequent history seems to indicate that the Jumano 
were never an aggressive people. Not to enter into detail 
regarding the miracles which Salas and his companion are 

'Benavides, Memorial, 1630, in Land of Sunshine, Los Angeles, California, vol. 
xiv, p. 46, 1901. Vetancurt, Cronica, pp. 302-305, Mexico, reprint 1871. 


said to have performed among the Jumano on the plains, 
some 30 or 40 leagues west of the "Quiviras" (who are 
identified with the Wichita tribe of Kansas), it may be said 
that the missionaries found 2,000 of these Indians, who, 
with many others from neighboring tribes (Benavides says 
there were 10,000 in all), clamored loudly for baptism, while 
two hundred lame, blind, and halt rose up well "when the 
sign of the cross was made and the words of the Gospel 
pronounced over them. " Indeed, they were inspired "with 
so great devotion to the cross that they fell on their knees 
before every cross and adored it, and in their houses, 10 over 
their doors, they put crosses. " 

After remaining some days, the fathers departed for the 
valley of the Rio Grande ; and it would seem that the Jumano 
soon followed, for, according to Vetancurt, "owing to the 
continual invasions, and wars with their enemies the Apaches, 
this conversion could not lead to a permanent result in that 
place, and hence they removed to the Christians near 
Quarac," whence they were ministered. 

There has been much discussion regarding the location 
of the "pueblo" occupied by the Jumano that was dedicated 
to "the glorious Isidoro." We may assume that it was not 
until after the visit of Salas to the Jumano on the plains 
in July-August, 1629, that this mission was founded, since 
the new friars did not arrive from Mexico until Easter of 
that year, and prior to that time no permanent missionaries 
were available even had the Jumano not been three hundred 
miles away on the prairies. We learn from the Relacion 
of Fray Estevan Perea, 11 the successor of Benavides as cus 
todian of the missions of New Mexico, and under whose 
guidance the new missionaries came in the spring of 1629, 
that there were sent to the pueblos of the Salinas "in the 
great pueblo of the Xumanas, and in those called Pyros and 
Tompiras" six priests and two lay religious, one of whom, 
Francisco de Letrado, is known to have been assigned to 
the Jumano alone. It does not seem necessary to look for 

10 According to Vetancurt, op. cit., Benavides says: "They each one placed it 
[a cross] on the front of his tent, " indicating that they were living in temporary abodes 
while hunting the buffalo on the plains. 

"Translated in the Land of Sunshine, xv, BOS. 5 and 6, Nov. and Dec., 1901. 


the " great pueblo of the Xumanos" of which Benavides 
speaks, among the ruins of eastern New Mexico, from 
amongst the debris of which the massive walls of former 
Spanish churches and monasteries still rise, for it is scarcely 
likely that the Jumano occupied a village other than their 
own, or that the settlement was anything but an aggregation 
of dwellings of the more or less temporary kind which they 
were found to occupy when visited by Cabeza de Vaca and 
by Espejo on the lower Rio Grande. 12 

That active missionary work was conducted by Letrado 
among the Jumano is certain. We have seen that this 
friar was assigned to the tribe soon after his arrival in New 
Mexico as a member of Perea's band in the spring of 1629; 
but three years later we find him at Zuni on his way to con 
vert the savage and little-known "Cipias," although he was 
murdered by the Zuni before he reached them, on February 22, 
1632 a century to the day before the birth of Washington. 

Why missionary work among the Jumano was thus 
apparently abandoned, there is no definite knowledge, but 
it would seem to have been due to another shifting of the 
tribe from New Mexico to the plains, and another change 
from their erstwhile sedentary life to that of buffalo hunters. 
There is a suggestion of this, indeed, in an account written 
by Fray Alonso de Posadas, 13 who states that Fray Juan de 

12 Compare Bandelier, Gilded Man, p. 255, 1893, and Final Report,pt. 1,131 , 132, 168, 
and pt. n, p. 267; also Fifth Annual Report of the Executive Committee of the Archce- 
ological Institute of America, pp. 37, 85, 1884. We must assume that the four "puerc- 
blos" occupied by the tribe in Onate's time (1598) had all been abandoned and that 
the "great pueblo of the Xumanos" mentioned by Benavides had been established 
after the Jumano had been induced by Salas to return from the plains. Bandelier 
suggests that the Piro pueblo of Tabira was probably the village of the Jumano, but 
I find no evidence that the Piro and the Jumano occupied a settlement together 
(Bandelier, Final Report, pt., I, pp. 131, 132). Escalante (op. cit., Land of Sunshine, 
March, 1900, p. 248) states that on account of Apache hostilities the pueblos of Chilili, 
Tafique (Tajique), and Quarac of the Tehua (Tigua) Indians; and Abd, Jumancas, 
and Tabira of the Tompiros, were abandoned. That "Jumancas" and the "Pueblo 
de los Jumanos " were one and the same there appears to be no doubt, consequently 
if Jumancas and Tabira had been the same village they would hardly have been 
mentioned as distinct. Escalante, who wrote in 1778, gathered his information 
from the official archives at Santa Fe". 

8 "Informe a S. M. sobre las tierras de Nuevo Mejico, Quivira y Teguayo, " in 
Fernandez Duro, Don Diego de Penalosa, Madrid, 1882, p. 59. Posadas was custodian 
of the missions of New Mexico in 1661-64, during the governorship of the notorious 
Don Diego de Penalosa y Briceno, and was a missionary there for ten years previously. 
His Informe was written after 1678. 


Salas and Fray Juan (Diego?) de Ortega, with an escort, 
visited the Jumano on a stream which they called Rio 
Nueces, and Ortega remained among them for six months. 
From this account the Rio Nueces might have been almost 
anywhere in the country of the plains, and not necessarily 
the present Rio Nueces of Texas. 14 The important point, 
however, is the fact that Letrado had abandoned his station 
among the Jumano in eastern New Mexico in 1632, and 
that in the same year Salas went forth again on the plains 
apparently for the purpose of bringing them back. 

The history of New Mexico between Benavides' time and 
the great Pueblo rebellion of 1680 is meager indeed, conse 
quently of the shiftings of the Jumano, if any there were 
during that period, little is known. In 1650 they were 
evidently still on the plains, for, according to Posadas, 
Captain Hernan Martin and Diego de Castillo in that year 
went with some soldiers and Christian Indians 200 leagues 
from Santa F6 to the "Rio Nueces" where the Jumano were 
again found. They remained in the region more than six 
months, going southeastward down the river for 50 leagues, 
visiting the Cuitoas, Escanjaques, and Aijaos, and finally 
the Tejas. During their journey the party traversed, from 
north to south, a distance of 250 leagues, or, according to 
Posadas, from the latitude of Santa Fe in 37 to that of the 
Tejas in 28. It should here be noted that the Escanjaques 
have always been identified with the Kansas or Kaw Indians, 
and such may be the case. The Cuitoas, the Tejas (Texas 
or Hasinai), and the Aijaos, however, were Texan tribes, 
and indeed the last, as later will be seen, are identifiable 
with no other than the Tawehash, the name of the southern 
branch of the Wichita, sometimes applied to the entire 
Wichita group, as well as to the Wichita proper. This 
point should be borne in mind, as the Jumano and the Aijaos 
are here mentioned as if two distinct tribes. 

In 1654 another journey was made to the Jumano on 
the Rio Nueces by Lieutenant-Colonel Diego de Guadalajara, 
with 30 soldiers and 200 Christian Indians. The Cuitoas, 

"Compare Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, 167, note, 1890; Bancroft, North Mexican 
State* and Texas, i, 386, 1886. 


Escanjaques, and Aijaos were this time at war. Captain 
Andres Lopez, of the party, with twelve soldiers, together 
with some of the Christian Indians and Jumano, were sent 
forward, finding a rancheria of Cuitoas, 30 leagues eastward, 
whom they severely defeated. 

These facts are mentioned for the purpose of showing 
that the Jumano, at least, although friendly toward the 
Spaniards, had apparently not occupied eastern New Mexico 
for some twenty-two years prior to 1654, but that they were 
living on the plains and leading their customary semi- 
sedentary life. 

As previously stated, Fray Juan de Salas, earlier in the 
century, found the Jumano on the prairies about 112 leagues 
eastward from the Rio Grande. But distances given by 
the early Spanish travelers must be regarded as only approx 
imate, and there is no reason for believing that the tribe 
had moved farther away simply because Captains Martin 
and Castillo, in 1650, are said to have found the Jumano on 
the Nueces 200 leagues from Santa Fe. They may have 
been in practically the same spot during this quarter century. 

There is ground for strong suspicion that the village or 
villages of the Jumano on the plains at this time were in 
proximity to if not actually at the Quartelejo, or Cuartelejo, 
mentioned frequently by writers of the 18th century. The 
distance of the Jumano from Santa F, according to two 
writers above cited, varied from 112 to 200 leagues (300 to 
530 miles); while El Quartelejo, according to the record, 
was from 130 to 160 leagues (350 to 425 miles) from the 
New Mexican capital. 15 This Indian outpost was situated 
in the valley of Beaver creek, in northern Scott county, 
Kansas, as has been shown by Williston and Martin. 16 

El Quartelejo first appears in history about the middle 
of the seventeenth century, when " some families of Christian 

"Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, Am. Series, v, 182, 183, 1890; Bancroft, Hitt. 
Arizona and New Mexico, 237, 1889. 

16 "Some Pueblo Ruins in Scott County, Kansas, " in Kansas Historical Collections, 
vol. 6, p. 124, Topeka, 1900. See also a comment on the article by the present writer 
in American Anthropologist, vol. 2, 1900, p. 778. For the location of Quivira, which, 
as we have seen, was beyond the Jumano settlements on the plains, see Hodge, 
"Coronado's March to Quivira," in Brower, Harahey (Memoirs of Explorations in 
the Basin of the Mississippi), St. Paul 1899. 


Indians of the pueblo and tribe of Taos uprose, withdrew 
to the plains of Cibola [i. e. the buffalo plains], and fortified 
themselves in a place which afterward was for this reason 
called the Cuartelejo. And they were in it until Don Juan 
de Archuleta [in 1652?], by order of the Governor, went 
with 20 soldiers and a party of auxiliary Indians and brought 
them back to their pueblo. He found in the possession of 
these revolted Taos, casques and other pieces of copper and 
tin; and when he asked them whence they had acquired 
these, they replied 'from the Quivira pueblos/ to which 
they had journeyed from the Cuartelejo. . . . From Cuar 
telejo in that direction one goes to the Pananas [Pawnees]; 
and to-day it is seen with certainty that there are no other 
pueblos besides the said [Panana] ones, with which the French 
were by then already trading. Besides this in all the pueblos 
which the English and French have discovered, from the 
Jumano to the north or northeast, we do not know any to 
have been found of the advancement and riches which used 
to be imagined of the Gran Quivira." 17 

It has been seen that the Jumano were still on the plains 
in 1654, and that their former settlement in the Salinas of 
New Mexico had evidently long been abandoned. It is said 
that, in 1670, " many Indians from the Pueblo of the Jumanos 
were at El Paso, but the roads to the [former] Jumano 
country [the Salinas] were closed by the Apaches," 18 whose 
depredations soon became so serious that between the years 
1669 and 1675 every settlement of the Piro and Tigua east 
of the Rio Grande had been permanently abandoned on their 
account. I find no evidence that any Jumano inhabited that 
part of New Mexico at this time, however, 19 nor is there any 

17 Letter of Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, April 2, 1778, translated in Land of 
Sunshine, Los Angeles, Cala., vol. xn, p. 314, 1900. The citation tends also to show 
the proximity of El Quartelejo and the "Quivira" or Wichita settlements. 

l8 Libro Primer o de Casamientos de el Paso del Norte, fol. 12, cited by Bandelier, 
Final Report, pt. n, p. 267. 

19 See Vetancurt (Cronica, p. 325, reprint 1871), who says: "San Gabriel Abbo 
[Ab6J tiene su sitio en el Valle de las Salinas . . . Tiene dos pueblos pequenos, Tenabo 
y Tabira, con ochocientas personas que administraba un religiose: hasta aqui llega 
la administracion hacia el Oriente, aunque quince leguas de alii hay algunos xumanas, 
que eran de Quarac [Quarrd or Cuaraf] administrados. " This would indicate that 
these Christian Jumano were settled a number of miles east of their old villages or 
rancherias at the Mesa de los Jumanos, which is only 10 or 15 miles in a straight 


indication that they were in New Mexico at the outbreak 
of the Pueblo rebellion of 1680 or that they participated in 
that bloody revolt during the succeeding twelve years. 

During this period the government of New Mexico was 
administered from El Paso, the provincial capital (Santa Fe*) 
having been completely abandoned in 1680. On October 
20, 1683, more than 200 Jumano visited El Paso for the 
purpose of asking for missionaries, "stating that thirty-two 
tribes were waiting for baptism, because, being on the point 
of fighting a great battle, and anxious because they were 
few while the enemy were more than 30,000 in number, 
they invoked the aid of the holy cross, of which they had 
heard from their forefathers, and at once there descended 
through the air a cross wrought in red, with a pedestal two 
yards in breadth. . . and that when this cross was put on 
their banner, they had conquered their enemies without 
losing a man, and gaining much spoils of war." Having 
acknowledged the miracle, they came to ask for baptism. 
Three friars went to them and found "a great multitude of 
Xumanas and Tejas; they decided to return with better 
preparation and a greater number of ministers. . .Some 
friars returned with the intention of going among the Xuman 
as and Tejas, to Caracoles river, where it is said that pearls 
are fished, in order that they might ascertain the truth. . . 
The apparition of the cross turned out to be uncertain, 
because it was a ruse devised by an Indian of the Tejas in 
order that the Spaniards might help them to cross the Con 
chas river to their land, which passage the Apaches were 
trying to prevent; and such chimeras are often tried by the 
Indians, because they know how easily the Spaniards can 
be made to believe them." 20 

This statement is generally too indefinite to be of much 
value beyond the fact that the Jumano or at least some 
of them again ventured across the plains as far as El Paso, 
with another miracle to unfold. We may not assume from 

course east of the ruius of Abd. Vetancurt, however, who wrote in 1692, lost sight 
of the fact that all the pueblos of the Salinas country had been abandoned on account 
of Apache depredations prior to the revolt of 1680, hence there is little likelihood 
that the Jumano neophytes remained. 
20 Vetancurt, Cronica, pp. 302-306. 


the foregoing statement that the Jumano at this time were 
dwelling in the neighborhood of the Conchos-Rio Grande 
junction, where they were first met, as there is definite 
evidence that their old home had become occupied by the 
Conchos, Julimes, and Chocolomos, 21 who, so far as is known, 
were unrelated. 

In December, 1683, according to Escalante, "there arrived 
at El Paso, Juan Sabeata, 22 an Indian of the Jumano nation, 
saying that all his people wished to be reclaimed to the Faith, 
and asked for ministers; and that not very far from their 
country were the Tejas, of whom he related so many things 
that he caused it to be believed that that province was one 
of the most advanced, fertile, and rich in this America. 
For which reason Fray Nicholas Lopez, then vice-custodian, 
desirous of propagating the Gospel, determined to go apos- 
tolically, without escort or defense, to this exploration with 
Fray Juan de Zavaleta and Fray Antonio de Acevedo. " 
The governor, however, thought it unsafe for the fathers 
to go alone, so he formed an expedition of volunteers under 
command of Juan Domingo (Dominguez) de Mendoza, who 
accompanied the friars to the junction of the Conchos and 
Rio Grande, where the docile Conchos, Julimes, and Choco 
lomos now resided. Father Acevedo remained with them 
while the expedition set out for the Rio Pecos, and after 
many days "arrived at a rancheria of Indians who then 
were called Hediondos ["Stinkers"]. Among them were 
some Jumanes; and of the latter [tribe] was Juan Sabeata." 23 
The party later returned to El Paso. 

21 See Escalante, op. cit., p. 311, and compare Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, pp. 
80-81, 85, 167, 246. I do not find any substantial evidence that the Julimes and the 
Jumanos were identical, or that the various small tribes mentioned in Spanish docu 
ments of the period were in any way related to the latter. Of the languages of the 
myriad small tribes mentioned in the annals of Texas, practically nothing is known. 
Fray Nicolas Lopez recorded a vocabulary of the Jumano language in 1684, but it 
has disappeared. 

22 Born in the Jumano pueblo of New Mexico, according to Confessiones y Declaraci- 
ones, etc., 1683, cited by Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 132. 

^Escalante's Letter (1778) translated in Land of Sunshine, Los Angeles, vol. xu, 
no. 5, April, 1900, p. 309. Confirmatory of this account is the mention of the same 
Juan Sabeata, of the Jumana tribe living on the Rio Nueces, three days' journey 
eastward from the mouth of the Conchos, by Cruzati, evidently Governor Cruzat or 
Cruzate of New Mexico, who assumed the office in 1683. Sabeata refers to thirty- 
six tribes that lived on the Rio Nueces in 1683 (Cruzati in Mendoza, Viage, manuscript 


Henceforward historical references to the Jumano are 
fewer and farther between. Bandelier even asserts that 
they "were lost sight of after the great convulsions of 1680 
and succeeding years, and their ultimate fate is as unknown 
as their original numbers. 24 This is largely true, yet there 
are a few allusions to this erratic people, under the name by 
which they were known to the Spaniards, reference to which 
will prove of interest. 

In 1700, according to contemporary documents, 25 the 
Jicarilla Apache brought word to Taos, the northernmost 
of the New Mexican pueblos, that the French had destroyed 
a village of the Jumano on the eastern plains; and in 1702 
a campaign was made by the Spaniards in that direction 
which resulted only in loss of life at the hands of the Apache. 
It would seem from the circumstance of the destruction of 
the Jumano settlement, and from the facts that the Jicarilla 
Apache at this time were at the Quartelejo 26 and the French 
had penetrated as far westward as Nebraska or Kansas, 27 
as well as into Texas, that the Jumano village was in the 
north. 28 There is distinct evidence, however, aside from 
that already presented, that a part of the tribe had been in 
Texas for several years, since they are mentioned in French 

in Archive General of Mexico, kindly communicated by Professor H. E. Bolton, now 
of Leland Stanford Junior University). 

24 Final Report, pt. i, pp. 168, 169. Bandelier quotes an early document to the 
effect that "as late as 1697 a Jumano Indian, a female described as 'a striated one 
of the Jumano nation, ' was sold at Santa F for a house of three rooms and a small 
tract of land besides. This woman had been sold to the Spaniards by other Indians, 
who had captured her. " 

25 Quoted by Bandelier, Contributions to the History of the Southwestern Portion of 
the United States, p. 181, 1890; also Final Report, pt. i, p. 168, 1890. See also Ban 
croft, Arizona and New Mexico, 222, 1889. 

26 Bandelier, Contributions, Arch. Inst. Papers, Am. Ser., v, 183-184, 1890; Bancroft, 
Arizona and New Mexico, 222, 236, 237, 1889. The Quartelejo is here reported to 
have been 130 leagues from Santa Fe. 

27 Bancroft, History o/ Arizona and New Mexico, states, on the authority of Padre 
Niel, that about the year 1700 two little French girls had been ransomed from the 
Navaho, and that in 1698 "the French had almost annihilated a Navaho force of 
4,000 men. " The latter statement is probably an error, while in regard to the former 
the Navaho probably obtained the French girls from some other tribe, perhaps their 
kindred, the Apache. 

28 1 fear that Bandelier (Final Report, pt. i, 168) has not sufficient ground for his 
assertion that the Jumario village of 1700 could not have been beyond the confines 
of New Mexico. The nearest Jicarilla settlement was 40 leagues (100 miles) north 
east of Taos, while the main body those of the Quartelejo were 130 leagues (360 
miles) northeast of Santa Fe\ i. e. in Scott county, Kansas. See page 13, note 16. 


documents of this period. Early in January, 1687, for 
example, La Salle heard of the Choumans, or Choumenes 
as they were called by the Teao (Tohaha) Indians among 
whom he then was, a short distance east of the Colorado 
river of Texas. These people, he was informed, were friends 
of the Spaniards, from whom they got horses; "that most 
of the said nation had flat heads, that they had Indian corn, 
which gave M. de la Salle ground to believe that those 
people were some of the same he had seen upon his first 
discovery.' 729 Again, in 1691, we are informed, a few ran- 
cherias of the Jumano were visited by Governor Terdn de los 
Bios, Father Massanet, and others, on the Rio Guadalupe 
of Texas. 30 

The cause of the disruption between the French and the 
northern Jumano in 1700 does not appear, but the breach 
seems to have been healed by 1719, in which year Governor 
Antonio Valverde y Cossio led an expedition northward 
and northeastward from Santa Fe against the Ute and Co- 
manche. On a stream called Rio Napestle (probably the 
present main Arkansas river), the Governor met the Apache 
of Quartelejo (i. e. the Jicarillas), and found men with 
gunshot wounds "received from the French and their allies, 
the Pananas [Pawnees] and Jumanas. " Here 31 again we 
have definite evidence that a branch of the Jumano was 
still in the north during the first quarter of the eighteenth 
century. It should be noted also that the Jumano here 
mentioned were allies of the Pawnee. 

No definite reference to the northern Jumano between 
1719 and 1750 has yet been found. The members of the 
ill-fated Villazur expedition from Santa Fe* to the north 
eastern plains, and probably as far as the Missouri river, 
in 1720, saw nothing of them, so far as the meager account 
of the expedition 32 shows, although other tribes are mentioned. 

29 Joutel's Journal in French, Historical Collections o/ Louisiana, pt. I, p. 139, 1846. 

^Teran and others cited by Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States and Texas, 
i, 416, 1886. 

31 Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 236, 1889; Bandelier, Contributions, 182-183 

32 See Bandelier, Contributions, p. 179 et seq.; also "Some Unpublished History - 
A New Mexican Episode in 1748," Land of Sunshine, vm, February, 1898, p. 129. 


In 1750, however, definite and important testimony was 
offered by one Pedro Latren, a Frenchman at Santa F6, 
who spoke of a tribe, evidently the Tawehash (Taovayas), 
called by the French "Panipiques (Panipiquets) alias 
Jumanes." Latren referred to these Indians as "parciales 
de los Franceses con los Cumanches." He also called them 
Piniques and said they were four or five days from the French 
fort "Canes" or Arkansas. 33 Here we have more definite 
information regarding the affiliation of the Jumano than 
has yet appeared, and accounts to a greater or less extent 
for the persistent references to the existence of a Jumano 
band in the north during a period of many years, as well as 
explains the mention of the Jumano and the Aijaos together 
in 1650. Now, the Paniques, Panipiquets, etc., as they 
were designated by the French, were the Wichita, the tribe 
which, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, was 
known to the Spaniards as "Quiviras. " The French desig 
nation, of course, had allusion to their common practice of 
tattooing the face, and indicates also relationship with the 
Pawnees; that is, they were "pricked, or tattooed, Pawnee," 
a designation recalling the Jumanos or "Rayados" of Onate 
in 1598, and the alliance between the Jumano and the Paw 
nee mentioned by Valverde y Cossio in 1719. The name 
Jumano, it will also be seen, was applied to both the Wichita 
and their immediate relatives the Tawehash, or Taguayazes, 
as they were called by the Spaniards, a southern or Texas 
branch of the tribe, long before the Wichita drifted south 
ward from Kansas to the vicinity of the mountains in Okla 
homa that still bear their name. 

Another important item in the historical testimony dates 
from 1778, on June 15 of which year a junta de guerra was 
held in Chihuahua, at which were present most of the mili 
tary authorities of the province. The report of the junta 
says: "The Taguayazes [Tawehash]. . .are known in New 
Mexico by the name of 'Jumanes' also." 34 The "Ta- 

33 Declaration, recorded in Spanish, of Pedro Latren, March 5, 1750, manuscript 
in Archivo General de Mexico, Provincias Internas, torno 37. Information kindly 
communicated by Professor Herbert E. Bolton. 

^Cabello, Informe, 1784, folio 20, manuscript. Information kindly communicated 
by Professor Herbert E. Bolton. 

guayazes" were then on upper Red river, hence not far from 
the region of the Wichita mountains, their subsequent and 
present home. 

A few years later, in 1789, M. Louis Blanc, commandant 
at Natchitoches, Louisiana, wrote General Ugarte urging 
the opening of trade between New Mexico and Louisiana 
by establishing a presidio among the Jumano; 35 and in 1812, 
or thereabouts, it was said (probably an inspiration due to 
the exploit of Lieutenant Zebulon M. Pike in 1806-7) that 
the Americans had established "gun factories" among the 
Jumano and Caigues (Kiowa), and that muskets and powder 
from this source were obtained for New Mexico. 36 The item 
is interesting as being probably the first reference to the 
association of the Wichita-Tawehash and Kiowa, who from 
1866 occupied the same reservation in Indian Territory and 
Oklahoma until a large part was allotted and the remainder 
sold in 1901. 

Reference has been made to the settlement of the Wichita 
in the country of the Wichita mountains in the present 
Oklahoma, after having occupied the so-called Quivira 
country of Kansas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
Further evidence of the connection of the Wichita-Tawehash 
people with the Jumano is afforded as late as 1844 by Josiah 
Gregg, who was engaged in the Santa F6 trade and was 
personally familiar with the plains and their aboriginal 
occupants. Gregg says that the northern portion of the 
Wichita mountains was known to Mexican ciboleros and 
comancheros as Sierra Jumanes, 37 which recalls the name 
still applied to the mesa in the Salinas region of New Mexico. 
In the same connection Gregg makes the interesting state 
ment that the range of hills known as the Wichita moun 
tains are also sometimes called Towyash by hunters, "per 
haps from Toyavist, the Comanche word for mountain." 
Gregg evidently was unaware that Tawehash, or Towyash 
as he calls it, was the name of a Wichita division, evidently 

35 Manuscript cited by Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 276, note, 1889. 

30 Pino, Exposition Sucinto, Cadiz, 1812, and Noticias Hiatoricas, Mexico, 1849, 
cited by Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 286, note. 

37 Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, n, 147, 1844. Ciboleros were buffalo hunters, 
and comancheroa were New Mexican Indian traders. 


for the reason that by his time the entire group had become 
generally known to the whites as Wichita, while at the 
same time Indians of other branches of the Caddoan stock, 
to which the Wichita belong, designated, as they still desig 
nate, the entire Wichita group as the Tawehash. 38 

The name Jumano, as applied to the tribe, had disappeared 
by this time, so far as the written record goes; but a trace 
of the name, dating from the middle of the century, lingered 
in the memory of an informant of Bandelier about 1890. 39 
Of these people he says: " I have found. . .a trace dating as 
late as 1855. They were then living in Texas, not far from the 
Comanches, and the characteristic disfiguration of the face 
through incisions which they afterward painted, was noticed 
by my informant who visited them about thirty-three years 
ago." The facial decoration was plainly tattoo, and their 
proximity to the Comanche accords with information 
previously given. 

We may now summarize the testimony as follows : 
In 1535 and again in 1582 the Spaniards found a semi- 
agricultural tribe living in more or less permanent houses, 
some of them built of grass, on the Rio Grande at the junction 
of the Conchos in Chihuahua and along the former stream 
northward for a number of leagues. They subsisted partly 
by hunting the buffalo, and raised beans, calabashes, and 
corn. At the date last mentioned they were called Jumano, 
and the Spaniards named them also Patarabueyes. A 
distinguishing feature of the tribe was its tattooing, for 
which reason, when found east of the Rio Grande in New 
Mexico in 1598, they were called "Rayados" by the Span 
iards. They were erratic in their movements. The Fran 
ciscans established a mission among them in New Mexico 
in 1629, but it does not seem to have been successful, for 
the Indians appear to have been here to-day but elsewhere 
tomorrow. In the seventeenth century they were found 

38 One of the latest references, from personal knowledge, to the Tawehash and the 
Wichita as distinct divisions, is that given by Isaac McCoy in The Annual Register 
of Indian Affairs, Washington, 1838, p. 27. 

39 Bandelier, Final Report, pt. I, 246, 1890. 


on the plains of Texas, and again living on the prairies to 
the northward, evidently in Kansas, the name seemingly 
being applied to each of two divisions of the same tribe or 
confederacy. Their custom of tattooing, the character of 
their houses, and their semi-agricultural mode of life during 
the century they were first known, suggest relationship, 
if not identification, with the Wichita people. References 
in unpublished Spanish documents of the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries indicate that the Jumano of the Span 
iards of New Mexico were the Tawehash of Texas; and it 
is known that Tawehash, the name of a division of the 
Wichita, was also the term by which other Caddoan tribes 
knew the Wichita tribe proper. There is direct information 
from the beginning of the nineteenth century that the 
Wichita mountains, which received their name because the 
Wichita tribe dwelt thereabouts, were also called " Jumanes 
mountains " and " Tawehash mountains/' thus further 
substantiating the testimony that the Jumano and the 
Tawehash were one people. The Tawehash have been 
absorbed by the Wichita proper, and their divisional name 
is now practically lost. Likewise the term Jumano, which, 
originating in Chihuahua and New Mexico, passed into 
Texas, but seems to have been gradually replaced by the 
name "Tawehash," which in turn was superseded by 
" Wichita." 

Thus is accounted for the disappearance of a tribe that 
has long been an enigma to ethnologists and historians. 


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Kcdge, F.W. 
Jumano Indians